The following comment by Pastor John Wright on Eric Lee's blogpost gives me occasion for several thoughts about this issue of language, and whether or not the issue of what has "currency" with those who need to hear it is an issue to give us pause to consider the communication value of what we seek to "expose" or to "reveal" as the "definitions" composed ultimately by the nation state. I am in complete agreement on the importance that this happens. I find myself asking "how, then, do we speak to ONE ANOTHER about this? Are not many of these "Sojourner types" very much members of the body of Christ? They are NOT members of the "nation state", or to be implied as such. They are brothers and sisters in Christ. Does this not raise a context that is different than the stance toward the nation-state, which is , to simply put it, doubtful or convinced of the inability and unwillingness of the nation state to participate in anything of ultimate value?
Eric's Tasty Morsels of Thought - Food for thought
Pastor John quotes from a James Kalb article at the New Pantagruel
In the meantime, the task of those who see liberalism�s radical defects is to understand it for what it is, resist it, keep alive what they can for better days, take advantage of the rights or favors liberalism grants, appeal to whatever resists or escapes technocratic rationalization, and make the case, in season and out, for something more worthy of humanity."
The bolded part (my bold) is one place where I can see an "opening" that seems similar to the assumption of activist progressives. "Whatever escapes technocratic rationalization" seems to identify the "justice" issues to which the ones speaking out and seeking "national recognition and mobilization" are appealing.
but the freedom that he (MLK) called for was ultimately a freedom defined by the liberal social order that he hoped -- and succeeded for some -- to move the African American Christians into.
Ultimately? The "actual result"? It seems to me that King may well have been killed becuase his "next move" was the poor people's march, and this got the attention of some of the most powerful, and they decided it was time for this thorn in the side to go. It seemed that the intent of this campaign was a more radical challenge; and because it was cut short (and not really taken up by the Civil Rights movement with any sustained energy), it was also cut short of an even deeper connection to the church.
Does one abandon the idea of a Kingdom telos by seeking a "support" or "hands-off" from the state? Does any implied "we want and expect you to support us" aimed at the state so clearly "acquiesce" and as such, "cede to a defintion provided by the state" if the telos of such a "conversation" is to seek to "pull it off" by a combination of whatever social and spiritual forces can be marshalled? King continued on in the marches and confrontations, with or without the assurance of state/nation support. He "attempted" to pose his questions and demands to the states (as in Alabama, MIssissippi, etc.) without a real confidence that they would say "Oh, OK, you're right", and also had the same attitude toward the federal government, although he seemed to "expect more" from them since they were less attched to, and thus beholden to, the "southern way of life". He marched on, even though he had no "guarantees" from the feds.
Then again, Pastor John raises this excellent question:
Why settle for Law when the Spirit can transform the hearts of people to love? Why resort to legitimate state violence -- the same violence in the Alabama National Guard that came down upon the civil right marchers, the same violence that destroyed Viet Nam? Can we really suppose that the nation-state will use its coercive violence just for causes we want, and not for those of its highest bidder or patrons?
I agree. That's certainly one of those "balancing" issues in this matter, at least for me.
I also agree here:
The conditions of "liberal dialogue" are already stacked against those who speak from within the life of the church catholic.
Quoting David Schindler
"My contention is that liberalism just so far draws us into a con game: inviting us to dialogue within the (putatively) open and pluralistic market of religions, all the while that it has already, hiddenly, filled the terms of that dialogue with a liberal theory of religion. The liberal appeal to religious pluralism hides its own "monism"; the liberal appeal to religious freedom hides its own definite truth about the nature of religion."
This speaks to the reasons why we are to let our "scepticism" flow from the standard of the church; the storied people. Against that, the above forces work against the spirit to maintain the status quo. I belive that in our case today, with the Bush administration, it is to return to a previous status quo (dismantle additional "checks and balances" and put in their place lip-service and back-room sell-offs to the highest bidders. In other words, the private market; the "market" of the elite, in which they buy their way to what they consider paradise: unfettered and unaccountable plundering, for profit.

I was just reading in Bonhoeffer's biography, during the time when the Confessing Church was making its separation real, Bonhoefer was fully engaged in talks with the German church government, which had become appointments of the Reich, and thus an arm of the state; true "statists" IOW. So what kind of "getting hands dirty" might this entail; this talking to state servants , albeit those in the garb of the church? Is this "getting into bed" with those who have clearly themselves gotten into bed with the state? This adds yet another layer to the question of what the church has a call to appropriately address and confront the state, and through what means.